Tribal Development Strategies in India: An Anthropological Dialogue*

Published in: in Raja Reddy Kalluri edited Contemporary Indian Society: Issues and Perspectives. Delhi: Shipra Publications. 2011 (pp. 74-87)

M.P. Damodaran, S. Sumathi and P. Govinda Reddy

Introduction

The concept of development has different connotations in different contexts. In a narrow sense, ‘it means, change, and progress, either whole or, partial’. There are people with difference of opinion regarding development. This is true since; the history of development has been shifted in thought, policy, and practice over time since the establishment of the BrettonWoods institutions after World War II. “It has constantly changed on an emphasis on infrastructure, industry, and agriculture in the 1950s and 1960s, to a “basic needs” focus on individuals and families in the 1970s, and followed by participation, sustainable development, and gender equity in the 1980s” (Ebrahim 2001:79).

Fergusonhas written in the opening paragraph to his study of the development industry inLesothothat: “What is “development”? It is perhaps worth remembering just how recent a question this is. This question, which today is apt to strike us as so natural, so self-evidently necessary, would have made no sense even a century ago. It is a peculiarity of our historical era that the idea of “development” is central to so much of our thinking about so much of the world” (1990:xiii).

Later, the development paradigm shifts to economic liberalization, and civil society (Edwards 1994, Escobar 1995, Fisher 1998, Guhan 1988, Ruttan 1989, Sukhatme 1989). We can see a similar opinion in the words of the Swedish Nobel-laureate Gunnar Myrdal who once argued: “Development has implicitly been based on a series of modernization ideals or values” (cit. Szirmai 2005:7). After the World War II, development is equated with modernization theory (Gardner and Lewis 1996:12, Watts 1993:259), and started to view states as, developed, less developed or, developing.

Despite numerous critiques of modernization perspectives (e.g., from neo-Marxist and dependency theorists), modernization thinking remains strong in development thought and practice today. Contemporary development discourse continues to assign a central position to economic development (and the measurement of it) and is formally institutionalized in international bodies such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, some organizations of the United Nations, various bilateral agencies, and in departments or ministries within each nation-state (Ebrahim. 2001:81). Keeping these points and general perspectives of development, let us discuss what has, and had happened in the arena of development inIndia.

Development – Indian Scenario

In India, the development process was started from the British Colonial rule. Most of those developments were designed, and implemented for easing their administration such as, construction of roads and bridges, and establishing institutions. Westernization followed later. In the post World War II-Postcolonial era, the governments of newly forming “underdeveloped” states, India and many other countries, saw modernization, particularly in terms of industrialization, as a means to economic growth. The Indian government, under the leadership of Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, embarked upon a massive “planned development” strategy with considerable support from both within India as well as from international donors including the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the World Bank (Sukhatme 1989). Development at the time was built upon an ideal of economic progress, i.e. greater production, economic growth, and industrialization.

In the middle of 1960s, our development was mainly focused on industry toward issues of agricultural production due to drought and famine in eastern Indiaand a global food crisis. Thus Lipton and Toye (1990) have found that the total official aid allocated for agriculture rose from a mere 2% to 30%, while aid allocated for industrial development fell from 60% to 30% from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s as a result, the Green Revolution technologies played an important role in development strategies from the mid-1960s, as India’s planners sought to achieve self-sufficiency in food-grains (Bernstein 1992:57). This period marked a shift in perspective amongst development planners away from ‘macro level industrial growth strategies’ to ‘efforts focused on meeting the basic needs of the poor’. Thus, the government initiated programs in the early and mid-1970s to improve food supply, nutrition, elementary education, rural health facilities, and basic infrastructure including water supply, roads, electrification, and housing (Guhan 1988:190).

This period was also notable for the planners and practitioners to refocus on the conditions of individuals rather than on the national economy at large, and was fueled by a pledge in 1973 by Robert McNamara, the then President of the World Bank, to allocate resources to improving productivity and welfare of the rural poor. In June of 1976, the International Labour Organization (ILO) organized a conference where it proposed a Basic Needs Approach to development ‘aiming at the achievement of a certain specific minimum standard of living before the end of the century’. The increased attention to issues of basic needs was not, however, at odds with the perceived ideal of linear and ever-increasing economic growth. Advocates of a basic needs approach justified it in terms of relatively low-cost investments that would eventually lead to increased human and economic productivity (Ruttan 1989:176).

Besides this, the government has taken efforts to improve the life of tribals.  Then comes a rather relevant question, why tribal development? It is a social demand since, the tribals represent an early stage of socio-economic life. The progress is universal but, its pace has been differing at different times in different communities. Thus, there should be a need for a balance in progress among the three basic elements of development: organization, natural resources, and technology (Das 1993:212).  It is also worth mentioning about the views of Roy Burman (1989a) on international convention on this, here before going to the details of tribal development in India: “In June 1957, an international convention (convention no 107) in respect of indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal population was adopted by ILO. It was later ratified by a large number of countries includingIndia. The convention laid down that the member states should enable such populations to pursue their material well-being and spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security and cultural specificities, which hinder them from benefiting fully from the rights and advantages engaged by other elements of the population and also help the process of integration of such populations into the national community”.

 

 

Tribal Development in India

In 1951, the government of Indiahad started making efforts to raise the general standard of living of the weaker sections as well as tribal development in the form of national extension schemes (NES) with the objective to intensify the block level development activities. It was actually done to translate the spirit of the fundamental rights and Directive Principles of State Policy provided in Article 46: “the State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation” (cit. Singh and Vyas 1989: ix).

The NES was followed by the Community Development Project (CDP). In 1962, the block level programmes became found to be a blockade to the development of the weaker sections, and the Tribal Development Block (TDB) was introduced later.  Since desired goals could not be realized through these programmes, the Tribal Integrated Development Project (ITDP) was started in 1972, and when it failed in practice another scheme, Tribal Sub-plan Scheme for Tribal development (SSTD), was introduced in 1972 without defining the coverage area, and plan objectives. Integrated Tribal Development Projects (ITDP), and Integrated Area Development Programme (IADP) were started functioning under this in almost all States (Vyas 1989:53-54).

Roy Burman had opined that: “there are four phases in the foci of tribal development planning in India. In the first phase, the emphasis was on providing immediate relief to the general mass of population, who were denied amenities of life during the colonial rule and at the same time to build up the productive infrastructure for the future growth.  In the second phase, the emphasis was on resource mobilization and provision of social service infrastructure in the country side. In the third phase, the emphasis on educational level shifted to reduction of disparity and growth with justice.  Simultaneously the commercialization of resources was stepped up. Fourth phase emphasizes programmes for meeting the basic needs of the population and poverty elevation had been stepped up. The   Advantage of the tribal development of the first phase was mainly taken by the non-tribals living in tribal areas who were having more contact with those who have administrative power” (1989b:5-6).

Different people have different views regarding tribal development. For instance, Sharma (1989:27-33) has argued that the question of tribal development has not yet received concentrated attention that it deserves, both in planning circles and in tribal studies. The real challenge of tribal development is to modernize the tribal economics and to integrate them with the larger national economy without at the same time disrupting their ecological existence, their socio-cultural systems and their traditions of socio-economic equity and innocence.

Slowly Non Governments Organizations (NGOs) came into the development scene, during the late 1960s and 1970s in India(Sen, 1999:337-338). There are many examples but, some well established, and highly reputed NGOs are located in GujaratState. They are the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), and the Navinchandra Mafatlal Sadguru Water and Development Foundation (Sadguru). Both NGOs are involved in planning and implementing village-level water resource projects, alternative biogas energy systems, and reforestation programs, often involving citizen groups in planning, operating, building, and maintaining those activities. And, even the name of Sadguru’s program was Integrated into Rural Development (IRD), the same name used in the Government’s Five Year Plan (Government of India 1978; Shri Sadguru Seva Sangh Trust 1978 and Ebrahim 2001:82).

The governmental way of development differs from the Sadguru kind of approaches, which had been more dynamic by more localized efforts, and was closer to the field reality. It has addressed accurate, specific local issues such as rural-urban migration caused by economic distress. It also sortout the needs directly from the village communities, and this was reflected in its decision to attempt lift-irrigation as an intervention (Ebrahim 2001:84).

Despite of these differences, the apolitical nature of the approach made it possible for Sadguru to work with government agencies, and to secure state support for its service delivery or, welfare activities (Ebrahim 2001:85). This approach was not adopted by all NGOs of that time. In the late 1960s and 1970s,India had witnessed a rise in NGO activities that were critical of state development approaches, and which, in some cases, were violently anti-state (Sen 1999:337–338). During this period, state agencies continued to support such NGOs, especially those providing services and relief in flood-and drought-prone regions. Those who were linked to foreign funders, slowly involved in political activities because of their control over the people.

These new dimensions in development approaches pave the way to the idea of participatory development in the 1970s and 1980s. Then participation gets prominence in development, in terms of practice and policy. It had two reasons, first was that the benefits of centrally planned development strategies had failed to reach the poor. The emphasis of development programs on large-scale, and heavy industry in the 1950s and early 1960s had little impact on the predominantly agricultural population, while green revolution technologies favored regions with irrigation, and infrastructure (Bernstein 1992:56-57 and Ghosh and Bharadwaj 1992:155-156). It produced a class of rich modernized farmers, an increase in income disparities between regions, and people, and increased marginalization of the rural poor. This helped Indira Gandhi to return into power in 1971 with her campaign slogan garibi hatao (abolish poverty) that promised to help the poor more directly. A second reason for the attention to participation was that alternate top-down planning. It was also supported by the work, and writings of Freire in South America on conscientization (1973), and a set of methodologies known as Participatory Action Research (Ex. Fals-Borda and Rahman 1991 and Freire 1973). At the same time, however, more moderate social workers and organizations were promoting citizen involvement leading to more cost-effective economic change and service delivery (Rahnema 1997). It also gave due consideration to gender equality in development, and a number of terms such as, women in development (WID), women and development (WAD), and Gender and Development (GAD), signifies a general transition from an emphasis on including women in development activity, to a focus on relations of power in society and seeing women as agents of political and social change (Moser 1989 and Rathgeber 1990).

We can understand from the foregone discussions that a new way of development, participatory development has already been initiated in our country a decade ago. Thus, we would like to illustrate our observations, and view points through two case studies from Tamil Nadu since, each of them has given us the current picture of tribal development, its effectiveness, and impact on the tribal life.

 

 

Tribal Development in Tamilnadu

Out of the 36 Scheduled Tribes living in Tamil Nadu , The Toda, theKota, the Panniyan, the Irula, the Kurumba, and the Kattunayakan, who are residing in Nilgiris are only considered as primitive tribal groups (PTG). A bulk of the Government’s funds earmarked for tribal development is directed towards the developmental activities of PTGs.  Thus, tribals who are residing in other areas are receiving less attention by the Government whereas; the NGOs are helping the tribals all over Tamil Nadu.  This is illustrated through our case studies.

Case Study I-The Irulas of Vandavasi, Thiruvannamalai District

The Irulas, a primitive tribe of Tamil Nadu, occupies second position in the State among the tribes as far as numerical strength is concerned. We can see them residing in deep forest, its finch, and in plains.  Traditionally, they are food gatherers and hunters but, later turned as cultivators and labourers. The Irulas of Vandavasi is not an exception to this.  Most of them are eking out their livelihood on farm and its related activities. As the land comes under the control of private individual and as State property, the communities depending on such occupation for their basic livelihood left with no options. The process of development has not provided an alternative to these communities and left them behind without any property of their own.

Madhura Sathya Nagar settlement of the Irulas is located in Vandavasi Taluk of Thiruvanamalai District of Tamil Nadu. The nearest town, Vandavasi is at a distance of six km, and the Akilandeswari Women’sArtsCollege, Vandavasi, is the nearest land mark. We can see the Kannimara Koil at the north, and a water tank at the western side of the settlement. A Balavadi is functioning, and a Community Hall in the middle of the settlement.

Table: 1 Type of Houses

Sl. No.

House Type

No. of Households

%

Thatched

25

55.55

Tiled

02

04.44

RCC

18

40.11

Total

45

100

 

The settlement is comprised of 45 houses, which includes 25 thatched houses, 18 Reinforced Concrete Cement (RCC) houses, and two tiled houses (Table: 1). The RCC houses were built by the government. Drinking water is provided with pipe-line, and the settlement is electrified. Since their hygienic consciousness is low, only one house had toilet facility. The Irulas population in the settlement is estimated as 184, of whom 86 are males and 98 are females (Table: 2).

Table: 2 Gender and Population of the Irulas

Gender

Population

%

Male

86

46.7

Female

98

53.3

Total

184

100

 

They neither own homestead land nor cultivable lands of their own. The only option was to take up available jobs and work as daily coolies. They are residing in plains and closely associated with, and depending on the mainstream population for their basic livelihood. The major occupation in which they are involved presently is as agricultural coolie, working in Brick Kline and in Rice Mills. These occupations have been considered as unskilled labour and their wages are not structured. Most of them work for the same employers without any periodical change in their work as well as monetary changes.

Education is a dark area of Irulas life. It is estimated that 63% of them were illiterates. Recently, one boy has managed to pass the SSLC. They openly express their negative attitude towards formal education. Illiterate Irulas are being exploited by the non-tribals residing in that area.  The Irulas work in non-tribal farms and firms over several years and in the process they are indebted to their masters.  Their Ration Cards and Voter Identity Cards are kept by their masters.  Groceries are procured by the master through the servants’ ration cards and supplied to them at a higher rate.

For instance, a person is working as labourer in the teak forest for more than six year along with his wife and a five year old son.  They hardly come out of the forest for any thing. The family solely depends on ‘Thalaivar’, the owner of the form for their basic survival. He says; “I have not seen my Ration Card or my Voter Identity Card. It is always with my master and he sends arisi (rice) and dal to me through some one and says the prices of all groceries have steeply raised”. In Tamil Nadu rice is sold at Rs.1/- per Kg in all the ration shops.  He further says; “I do not have home and land.  I am not educated and do not have any alternative occupation than this. My father and mother lead the same life in another place and now I am here and so far I never even thought about putting my son in school, because I could not see any opportunity for it. I do not think about things which are beyond my reach”.  His son shyly looked at us and went inside the 4×4 sq.ft single bricked, not cemented shelter and smiled at us with some hope.

Basing on our experience with this tribe, we feel that the development activities have not reached them till date. Thus, we suggest that first, houses and farm land should be provided to the Irulas so that they can come out of the clutches of exploitation by the non-tribals over years.  Once, they are settled at one place, they should be provided with educational and health facilities.  Slowly, other developmental activities should be initiated by taking into consideration their specific needs.

Case Study II-The Sholagas of Gedhesal, Erode District

Gadhesal is one of the Sholaga settlements in Tamil Nadu, which is found in theDhimbumForestRangein Sathyamangalam Taluk, Erode District. Mountains, and reserve forest all around bound the settlement, which is situated approximately about 3300 fts above sea level. The geography, and the presence of wild animals in the reserve forest kept the place to remain isolated. They migrated to Gadhesal during the British period to assist the British in hunting, and other activities, and also to collect the forest produce.

Table: 3 Population of Sholagas in Gadhesal

 

Gender

Population

%

Male

194

52.4

Female

176

47.6

Total

370

100

 

The population in the Gadhesal is estimated as 370 (Table: 3), living in 99 houses. Out of these, 91 are thatched huts, and the remaining eight are small concrete houses constructed by the Forest Department. Those who live in the thatched huts still stare on these concrete houses, and are waiting for their turn for getting their own houses. Women are viewed as hard-working. Their economy is a kind of mixed one, usually shown in their life with material simplicity. They live on small-scale cultivation, animal husbandry, and collection of minor forest produce in seasons. Including the staple food Ragi, most of their products are meant for family consumption only, except beans, which they sell in the market.

The ‘development’ among the Sholagas is distinguishable. Some were governmental, and non-governmental, which include land and other amenities present in the settlement. The relative isolation in terms of geography and other problems confront on the effectiveness of the developmental activities. The inhabitants need to go to distant places even for obtaining their every day needs. The absence of essential basic amenities in-and-around the settlement set unresolved challenge to the Sholagas, and their development.

Table: 4 Availability of the Basic Amenities in and around in Gadhesal

 

Serial No.

Amenities

Location

Distance from the settlement (in Kms)

Agricultural Office Hassanur

15

Bank Arepalayam

10

Bus Stop Gadhesal

In Settlement

Drinking Water Gadhesal

In Settlement

Electricity Gadhesal

In Settlement

ForestOffice Hassanur

15

Higher Secondary School Hassanur

15

Milk Society Arepalayam

10

Panchayat Office Arepalayam

10

Police Station Hassanur

15

Post Office Arepalayam

10

Primary Health Centre Germalam

10

Primary School Gadhesal

In Settlement

Provision Store Arepalayam

10

Public T.V. Gadhesal

In Settlement

Ration Shop Arepalayam

10

Revenue Office Talavadi

40

 

The settlement comes under the control of the State Forest Department, which posses all the land but, the forest dwellers, Sholagas, now leading a settled life even though, they do not have a piece of their own land! They told us that they were very eager to cultivate ragi, beans, and a few other vegetables, and greens but, the problem was that they did not have sufficient land for excess cultivation rather than their domestic use. Indeed, the wild animals such as, boar, and elephant also caused problems whenever, they went for cultivation. The Forest Department Officials always watch every action in the settlement and ask them to get prior permission for every innovation. The absence of implements, both mechanized and other, for cultivation too causes dilemma since, they are skilled to perform only small-scale cultivation. Hence, they usually pray for the mercy of nature for a better yield. Yet, the Forest Department vested land keeps them out from enjoying the developmental schemes implemented by various Government Departments.

Some of the other issues related to the amenities are the absence of Health Centre, Ration Shop, Milk Society, andHigherSecondary School. The people feel very bad in respect of medical aid since, they are suffering from malnutrition, skin-disease, and other ailments. The designated health caretaker expresses all her helplessness in attending the Gadhesal settlement because, she is also given in-charge of neighbouring settlements. In off-seasons, the Sholagas find it difficult to run the family. Relatives are ever ready to extend help by providing ragi, and other essentials when in excess but, such an act will not be possible in all times. They are literally immobile during the rainy season when the mud, and cow dung made the streets impossible to walk. All these lead to two demands, first, a road with proper drainage that eases their movement and also the animals, and second, establishment of a permanent ration shop in the settlement. Most of the households are having milch-animals but, a single family alone is selling the milk daily, even by travelling a distance of 10 kms (Table: 4). They opine that if a society is functioning within the settlement, the others can also sell milk, and it would also help to increase the number of animal stock. Thus, the settlement badly needs a milk society.

Table: 5 Educational Status of the Sholagas of Gadhesal

 

 

 

Age group

 

 

Sex

Educational Status

Not schooling

Lower Primary (Std. 1-5)

Upper Primary

(Std. 6-8)

 

Secondary

(Std. 9-12)

 

Graduation

 

 

Illiterate

 

Total

 

 

0-6 yrs

M

18

08

26

F

19

06

25

7-12 yrs

M

10

06

16

F

11

05

 

16

13-19 yrs

M

05

15

04

01

25

F

07

04

05

02

18

20-39 yrs

M

39

17

03

01

19

79

F

26

04

01

42

73

40-59 yrs

M

14

05

02

14

35

F

04

29

33

60 & above

M

01

12

13

F

11

11

Total

37

131

56

15

01

130

370

 

The Sholagas hardly gave due importance to formal education. Our investigation reveals the reality that out of 370-total population, 130 (35.14%) persons are illiterate. The illiterate women (84, i.e. 22.7%) are almost double in number of men (46, i.e. 12.43%). However, 54.86% (203 out of 370) are managed to be literate but, the fact is that 187 (50.54%) of them could not go beyond the level of primary education. This is only due to the presence of theTribalSchoolin the settlement. Informants told us that the majority among the upper primary level achievers done their schooling in theTribalSchoolitself since, it has been upgraded to a secondary school. We observed only 16 (15+1 graduate) of them, 4.32 % of the total population that was able to climb up to the secondary level because, there was no facility either inside the settlement or, the nearby area for getting higher education (Table: 5). They have to go to distant places for getting higher education. Thus, only one individual had managed to climb up to the graduation level, so far! Our observation coincides with that of Thaware (2004): “Educationally, tribals are still backward and this contributes to their backwardness further”.

A well-equipped tribal residential school of the government, functioning in the settlement, offers formal education up to 8th Standard. This school was started in 1969, and offered education up to 5th standard. Latter on, it was upgraded in 1998 as a secondary school, equipped with facilities for schooling up to 8th standard. Since it is a residential school, the students are served with breakfast, lunch, and supper. Consequently, all the children are sent to the school, not for getting educated but, for the sake of food. It also provides uniform, books, etc. Now, there is no stagnation, and dropout until 8th standard, when all of them get free pass to the next standard, irrespective of their standard. We observed that it made a ‘double impact’ over the Sholagas. First, they could get educated up to 8th Standard. Second, it puts a permanent end to their studies after 8th standard, a forced dropout!

Above and beyond, the difficulty in getting Community Certificate from the Revenue Officials brings about another huge hurdle in the realm of development. Thus, the Sholagas are not capable to have the benefit of many constitutional privileges like reservation in education, employment, and so on. We found a couple of them, who are seeking admission to higher courses, patiently waiting for the mercy of authorities, only because of this reason. We also informed by our informants that, because of the same reason, a few of them had been forced to stop their education, forever. Do not think that the snags of development come to an end here but, the list would be getting larger and larger every day. Any one can easily identify that these are a few issues in the sphere of tribal development in general, and the Sholagas in particular. Nobody disagrees that they make plain about the inadequacy of our adopted policies, and approaches. Sadly, in practical life, we don’t have much time to attest, and address these burning issues of the tribals since, we are dreaming about many things such as, 123 Nuclear Deal Agreements, Agni and Prithvi Missiles, Rocket Launchers and Chandra Yan, Information Technology (IT) Corridors, and Special Economic Zones (SEZ). As a result, the problems remain, and get enlarged.

The resolution of these issues starts with the identification of problems, which failed many times in the development arena. The immediate remedy is nothing but, putting the people first who told us that the problems they were facing in their day-to-day lives. The land problem can be solved even in a day or, a week or, it might take a few months by issuing patta to the real inhabitants. Since, the tribals are much concerned about the Nature, and its preservation than a government officials, the issuance of patta provides two benefits, in one way by solving a major problem of land ownership, and the other by ‘appointing’ ever-permanent guards of Nature.

Starting a ration shop and health care center is also easy. But the problem actually lies in the attitude of the officials and administrators, who never paid any attention on the real essentialities.  The Sholagas themselves can take effort to establish a milk society either by them or, by seeking help from some government or, other organizations. The health, and hygienic conditions can be improved either through awareness campaigns or, by constructing appropriate drainages, and latrines. Providing school bus from the settlement will discard one of the hazards that are de-motivating the pupils to go for higher studies. The young ones of the Sholagas are deficient in developing their career. Thus, the schools must have an employment-cum-career guidance officer, who can give proper direction to the students to think about their career. The awareness campaigns, and timely interventions of the officials have to play an equally important role in bringing the people come closer to the higher levels of education.

Conclusion

According to Saravanan (2006:234), “tribal economy is mainly associated with agriculture and allied activities. Whereas the government spending a lion’s share of the budget on the service sector, leaving a meagre amount for the secondary sector. The growth of the services sector is corollary of the growth of the primary and secondary sectors. Hence, the tribal development strategy has to be changed”.

Anthropology, and anthropologists are very specific in the process of development and the hand maiden role needs to be shed. The wider question of what should be the commitment of an anthropologist the so-called neutrality or commitment for the community the whole question of sensitivity comes to the fore. The role of anthropology should be to clearly recognize that the rights to determining the final goals of development are with the people-the civil society at large and anthropologists in particular will facilitate the process. Unless we recognize, and are willing to change, that development is not just categorizing to communities/societies, and development is basically antagonistic in nature. The anthropologist should not push the local people “at the receiving end of development designed by more powerful “outside” developers” (Mohan & Stokke 2000:243), and their attempts should offer a corrective. Thus, anthropologists should sincerely believe that it should be to strengthen reversal tribal development strategies since the tribal development so far is mechanical, ineffectual, and vague.

Both Central and State Governments and NGOs take continuous efforts to improve their way of life by providing basic infrastructural facilities such as educational institutions, health care facilities, laying roads, building houses and co-operative societies.  Awareness camps, medical camps and training camps are frequently organized. Women empowerment is also aimed through starting of Self Help Groups by providing micro credit. Though these activities are continuing since 1951, yet these have not achieved major goals. It is pointing towards the inefficiency in the current trend, which needs a re-thinking, a different strategy for tribal development. Anthropologists are very confident to say that the appropriate mode of planning and development should need full-hearted involvement of anthropologists, as they have a holistic understanding of the tribals, their culture and society than others. Thus, the anthropologists can address tribal issues, and facilitate the development activity in an effective way by putting the tribals first in their development.

 

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1 Comment

  1. damodaranmp said,

    November 1, 2012 at 9:51 am

    Thanks.


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